The Venezuelan opposition is entering a decisive week. Chavismo imposed the electoral agenda and vetoed the participation of María Corina Machado, who was excluded after a judicial trick. A few days later, the seven-day period will open for submitting candidate nominations made online through the National Electoral Council platform. Nicolas Maduro has already been appointed by his people. The unionist platform maintains its support for Machado, who was elected by more than two million votes in a difficult but successful primary, and who will not be able to register.
The candidate confirmed, in a message on social media, that she would remain on the electoral path, but she left it up in the air that the veto of her candidacy will not prevent the opposition from having a choice in the presidential elections scheduled for next July 28. “Rest assured that I will make the right decisions to move forward on this path, with the participation and support of all sectors that want urgent change in Venezuela,” he added.
Although Machado did not say so explicitly, the dilemma of registering an alternative to which the leader can raise her hand and somehow shore up her political capital must be resolved soon, as the timeline is approaching. From the 21st to the 25th, applicants will be able to register through the CNE digital platform. In his letter, he told the government what paths it could take: “facilitating a negotiated transition through free presidential elections within the framework of the Barbados Agreement” or resorting to the option of extracting elections the hard way. “This is the worst option for everyone, and moreover, it will not prevent the transition process, as neither the country nor the world will accept it. He added: “They can delay the transition process but not prevent it.” Machado asked for calm and summoned to his side not only those who were Chavistas, but also the existing ranks of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela. “What is Maduro afraid of? He said he fears the overwhelming will of the country that wants change. “Never in 25 years have we had 80% support for a presidential election,” he said. “The hand that won is not blocked.”
Everything points to Manuel Rosales, the governor of Zulia State, being the founder New timeThe main leader of the Venezuelan opposition is interested in being, by consensus or rejection, a presidential candidate for the democratic movements. Luis Emilio Rondon, one of his trusted men, has publicly put his name on the table as a potential unification man in the event of the inevitable replacement of Maria Corina Machado. Rosales, who was already a candidate in 2006, has called for an end to international sanctions and is one of the few opposition politicians who have some sort of political relationship with Maduro. Un Nuevo Tiempo, a moderate social democratic party that forms part of the unionist platform, is one of the few tickets allowed by the National Electoral Council to participate in the race.
Over the weekend, authorities purged the list of parties allowed to participate. In addition to the position of the UNT, the position of the Round Table of Democratic Unity, the most voted on by the opposition in recent years, and which Chavismo opposed, was accepted. zombies, MIN-Unidad, which repeats some of its symbols. Of the 34 organizations admitted, 11 have had judicial intervention in recent years to enforce Chavismo-related directives. The rest are small organizations and allies of Maduro. The electoral schedule is progressing with the opening of the electoral register at some points in the country's squares and abroad, with protests from Venezuelans who found that the consulates were not prepared for this day.
The Unitary Program parties, which do not have particularly good relations with Machado, have publicly declared that they are willing to follow his directions to advance the electoral process, a path that has received absolute consensus this time. But behind closed doors, the talks are tense, with conflicting interests, and pressured by urgency. Some voices indicate that Manuel Rosales has little chance of being accepted by the political team of María Corina Machado.
Machado enjoys certain levels of popularity and has built a movement with much greater political capital than that of the Unionist Party politicians, even though his leadership operates in a threatening and dangerous context. It does not seem at all likely that he will decide to back down, abdicate, or hand over his leadership in an agreed-upon process in order to give up his authority to other factors. The highly confidential sources consulted, aware of the internal tension, indicate that what is necessary will be done to guide any agreement. But on Machado's terms.
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